Academic Panels

The Eastern Dimension of the ENP – models of regional cooperation and economic integration

Author: Teodor Moga, ‘Alexandru Ioan Cuza’ University of Iasi

Date and Time: Nov. 26 – 10.30-12.00 Location:  Oregon Room

Abstract: The topic of this paper can be placed at the intersection of geoeconomics and geopolitics literature. My goal in this study is to analyse the potential of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) to establish various models of regional cooperation and economic integration in the European Union (EU)’s eastern vicinity. As the focus of this paper is on these models, I want to point out how these models can be achievable taking into consideration the difficulties the ENP encounters in the EU’s eastern vicinity. The main hypothesis is that the development of an eastern dimension of the ENP cannot be answered without looking at the broader geographical and historical framework in which the Union extends its influence. EU and  EU and Russia compete and export policies and projects in the shared neighbourhood, a bone of contention between the two geopolitical players. The EU seeks to forge a secure Eastern border by offering aid and economic incentives to increase stability in the neighbouring countries. As officially stated, the ultimate goal of the ENP is to create in the near future a free trade area and foster thus economic integration with the EU (“a stake in the EU market”). Hence, this paper will also examine how the trade relations between the EU and the Western CIS, on the one hand, and Russia-Western CIS, on the other hand, have changed since the launch of the ENP in 2004.

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International Relationships between Romania and Azerbaijan in the context of the Geopolitics of Energy

Authors: Ionut Cucu and Andrada Vasii, University of Bucharest

Date and Time: Nov. 26 – 10.30-12.00 Location:  Oregon Room

Abstract: Prin această lucrare intenţionăm să tratăm problematica relaţiilor externe dintre Romania şi Azerbaidjan  în contextul geopoliticii energetice. În analiza noastră, vom face trimitere la gestionarea şi circulaţia resurselor din bazinele existente în Marea Neagră şi spaţiile adiacente teritoriilor antemenţionate, folosind drept studiu de caz proiectul White Stream , respectiv evolutia acestuia în AGRI/ White Stream2. Studiul fezabilităţii, rentabilităţii şi realizabilităţii acestora se bazează pe comparaţia lor cu mult mai mediatizatele Nabucco, Blue Stream şi South Stream. În vederea paralelei între aceste proiecte, vom viza: a. analiza procesului de dezvoltare, pornind de la detaliile tehnice; b. politica externă, bazându-ne pe poziţia şi punctul de vedere al statelor implicate; si c. securitate şi comerţ, având ca punct de pornire poziţia marilor corporaţii. Având în vedere că perioada următoare este destinată să fie marcată de modificări atât la capitolul cererii, cât şi al ofertei, în domeniul energiei, considerăm studiul de caz antemenţionat important pentru înţelegerea relaţiilor externe dintre România şi Azerbaidjan.

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Rolul “statelor mici cu potenţial” pe scena internaţională: cooperarea pentru dezvoltare

Author: Victor Negrescu*, National School of Political and Administrative Studies – SNSPA, Bucharest

Date and Time: Nov. 26 – 10.30-12.00 Location:  Oregon Room

Acum douăzeci de ani, la sfârşitul Războiului Rece, o lucrare intitulată “Impotent Superpower – Potent Small State” (1988), scrisă de către Jan Egeland, cercetător şi activist pentru drepturile omului din Norvegia, a explorat capacitatea statelor mici din Europa de Vest de a dezvolta politici externe eficiente în domeniul protecţiei drepturilor omului. Bazându-se pe o comparaţie cu Norvegia, folosită ca un exemplu de stat mic constrâns de resursele limitate şi de puterea sa politică, şi cu Statele Unite, care poate capitaliza atât puterea politică cât şi cea economică, conclude ceea ce poate părea justificat “că presupunerile tradiţionale a unei corelaţii pozitive între resurse economice, militare şi diplomatice pe de-o parte, şi abilitatea de a influenţa în extern situaţiile specifice drepturilor omului, de cealaltă parte, sunt greşite” (p.3). Concluzia autorului subliniază faptul că dimensiunea mică nu aduce doar constrângeri, ci oferă statelor mici potenţialul de a promova la nivel internaţional drepturile omului, atât la nivel bilateral cât şi multilateral, şi contribuie la producerea de schimbări pozitive în diferite părţi ale lumii. De la sfârşitul Războiului Rece, grupul de state care promovează drepturile omului în politica lor externă nu mai este limitat doar la cele din Vest. Câteva noi democraţii au încercat să urmeze acest nou drum, precum Cehia, Slovacia sau chiar România, care au dezvoltat politici de dezvoltare a drepturilor omului stipulate explicit în programele naţionale de asistenţă pentru dezvoltate. Putem consideră că după 1989 s-a instaurat o nouă tradiţie umanitaristă? Experienţa non-democratică de peste 40 de ani este suficientă pentru a crea precondiţiile unei promovări a drepturilor omului şi de soluţii în politicile externe a statelor din Est? Pot aceste state să intre în clubul reputat de “state mici cu potenţial” care a fost dominat până în prezent de state din Vest precum ţările scandinave sau Olanda? Pentru a răspunde la aceste întrebări vom realiza o analiză teoretică şi conceptuală a termenului de “stat mic cu potenţial” pentru ca ulterior să aplicăm criteriile asupra programelor naţionale de asistenţă pentru dezvoltare şi de politică externă dintr-o serie de state din Europa Centrală şi de Est (Cehia, Slovacia şi România).

* Beneficiary of the project “Doctoral scholarships supporting research: Competitiveness, quality, and cooperation in the European Higher Education Area”, co-funded by the European Union through the European Social Fund, Sectorial Operational Programme Human Resources Development 2007-2013

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The Washington Consensus versus the Beijing Consensus: The Differences between European Development

Author: Gino Brunswijck, CAW De Terp NGO.

Date and Time: Nov.26 – 10.30 – 12.00 Location: Nevada Room

Abstract: China is increasingly becoming more involved on the African continent, which might have an impact on a geopolitical level. By concluding comprehensive package deals including aid, trade and investment with African governments, Beijing offers a form cooperation which is different from the traditional donors’ practices. The model is also founded on different principles, of which the principle of non-interference in internal affairs stands out. This principle stands in contrast with the concept of conditionality as required by multilateral lenders. In this light, these institutions emphasize institutional reforms and improvement on governance criteria of the recipient countries. However, these countries have an enormous demand for finance for managing concrete development projects, upgrading infrastructure and fulfilling other country-specific needs. Therefore, the Chinese contracts offer African countries a broader range of options to choose from. Beijing has concluded the largest deals with resource-rich countries, these countries are able to realise a surplus on the trade balance with China. In the contracts involving natural resources a mechanism of barter is often established. The picture is different for countries, that do not dispose of abundant natural resources, they often have a deficit on the trade balance with China. This can be explained by the massive Chinese imports of cheap consumer goods. These products might be welcomed by African consumers given their low price. However, local production might suffer from the high influx of cheap consumer goods, especially in the textile sector. When these imports do not displace local production, the exchanges might be beneficial. The Chinese policy thus has a differential impact on African countries depending on the economic resources and the political structure of a country. Moreover, the institutional capacity of a country determines to what extent a country absorbs the various aid packages and gets the greatest benefits from this cooperation.

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Non-DAC Donors: humanitarian aid and the transparency of aid information

Author: Kerry Smith, Development Initiatives

Date and Time: Nov.26 – 10.30 – 12.00 Location: Nevada Room

Abstract: In the last few years, the participation of a number of governments outside the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) Development Assistance Committee (DAC) has become increasingly visible. Often referred to as ‘emerging’, ‘new’, ‘non-traditional’ or ‘non-DAC’ donors (the latter being how we refer to them)  the number of these donors reporting to the United Nations’ (UN) Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) financial tracking system (FTS) has risen from 50 in 2000 to 90 in 2009. In 2008 non-DAC donors reported US$1.1 billion to the FTS, which made up 8.6% of government contributions in that year.  The GHA programme believes it is necessary to understand the complexity and diversity of donors in an ever changing world of shifting relationships. We consider it important for non-DAC donor humanitarian aid contributions to be made more visible and for the data to reflect the true nature of the humanitarian aid architecture. In this sense, GHA promotes improved access to aid information – better data on humanitarian aid flows from all donors could help the humanitarian community understand the who, what, how and where – who are the donors, what type of aid is being given, how is it being channelled, where is it going? Better aid data could be a significant contributor to poverty reduction and help assess the quality of aid. This paper will analyse humanitarian aid flows from non-DAC donors, highlighting the dominance of Gulf States in reporting, and will then analyse humanitarian aid flows from a subset of non-DAC donors which will include Bulgaria, Croatia, Czech Republic, Cyprus, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Macedonia, Malta, Poland, Romania, Slovakia, Slovenia and Turkey, which will hereafter be called the ‘donor subset’.

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The Catalytic Donation Strategy- Chinese Development, Foreign and Security Policies Towards Africa

Author: Yu-Chin Cheng, Institute of Political Studies, Charles University Prague

Date and Time: Nov.26 – 10.30 – 12.00 Location: Nevada Room

Abstract: Since China succeeded economic reform, this country has been influential in development, foreign & security policies toward Africa; the intention and purpose of Chinese politics toward this continent is aimed to earn African states’ support on Chinese energy and foreign policies. Besides overseas development aid, China also provides weapons to African countries in form of donations in exchange of supporting Chinese energy and foreign policies toward the world. The research is expected to study three fundamental questions— the means and content of China’ donation for Africa, the change of China-Africa relations whilst donation, the level of Africa’s support for China before and after donation. This paper consists of introduction, fundamental research questions, research findings and conclusion. It also provides knowledge contribution to those who have an interest to carry on the similar topic in the future. This paper is applied for open-source intelligence to process data and to find any causal link of China’s donation strategy toward Africa, and is also employes Singe Case Study Research Design to discover the cause and effort, and discover the answers to the three fundamental research questions; in addition, this research uses Neorealism as theory base to explain the research findings and conclusion.

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Aid Effectiveness in Public Sector Capacity Building in SEE

Author: Artan Karini, University of Manchester

Date and Time: Nov.26 – 13.30 – 15.00 Location: Nevada Room

Abstract: The purpose of this research paper is to introduce an ongoing doctoral research study being undertaken by the author on ‘’Aid effectiveness: The case of public service reform and capacity building in Albania’, a study intended to contribute to the literature on aid effectiveness, HRM in a civil service reform and capacity building context in SEE/Western Balkans, Albania being a case study. Hence, the aim of the research is to investigate the impact of foreign aid as implemented by international organizations on building institutional capacities in public service organizations in post-communist Albania. The findings will be used to substantiate broader theoretical concepts applicable to the current studies on aid effectiveness and public serviced human resource capacity development issues in SEE. The development literature on aid effectiveness offers perspectives and views on the political and economic dimensions of the provision of international aid mainly from the standpoint of donor countries, but it hardly offers any models in assessing its impact of aid on capacity building (either at a societal level or state level) in developing countries. The problem that this research paper seeks to address is the lack of attention, contextual literature and research rigor in addressing a neglected factor in the reform process of those institutions: the actual impact, implications and sustainability of donor assisted programs on the public service capacity to implement reform. Based on the premise that mainstream social science policy (research and) analysis is an important source, at least potentially, of information for policy analysts and decision makers, the idea behind the research is to produce findings and ultimately recommendations which, in the future, might – at a later stage – benefit improvements in foreign aid policy-making and public service reforms and overall development processes on country and regional levels.

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Romanian International Development Aid between Tradition and Innovation

Author: Catalina Buciu, Brunel University

Date and Time: Nov.26 – 13.30 – 15.00 Location: Nevada Room

Abstract: I would like to argue in this paper that Romania’s successful future in international development lies in innovation against the background of development education. Romania’s development aid lifeline can be divided roughly in three “development ages”: pre-1989, post-Revolution and post-EU accession. None of the three ages has engendered sustainable support among the general population for Romania’s international aid agenda. The culture of giving for international causes and the practice of accountability regarding the country’s ODA policy remain to date on the wish list of development education programmes’ outcomes. The earliest age was largely run by government agencies/ministries implementing a cooperation programme fully aligned with the political and security agenda of the regime. During the transition period to EU membership, Romania has largely implemented donor-driven programmes with little room for locally generated approaches to development. The post-EU accession period is undoubtedly characterized by a deep socio-economic crisis on a larger scale than in its ODA-targeted countries (e.g Georgia, Serbia). Development aid worldwide has evolved tremendously in the past twenty years and Romania’s late coming to the international arena finds a competitive environment with complex relations for which it may not be thoroughly prepared. Innovation cannot be wished into being and does not happen while Romania focuses on doing the same things the same way as other donors. It is virtually the only value added that Romanian can become a champion for in international development. With its limited financial input, Romania risks not to be taken seriously by partner countries in development unless it walks the talk of innovation and stands out by promoting a development package that is no less than outstanding.

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The real advantage of the Romanian transition heritage for the development cooperation

Author: Codrat – Alin Teclu, Université de Liège

Date and Time: Nov.26 – 13.30 – 15.00 Location: Nevada Room

Abstract: Romania’s accession the European Union meant also this country assuming a new and a demanding role in “the market of development cooperation” (GUICHAOUA, 1998). As this being an already over-debated process, often shuddered by crises (EASTERLEY, 2006), welcoming in a new member just raised new questions, with the most fundamental one being: how can this country (and also the other new member states) contribute to this field? Surprisingly, in comparison with over-negotiated decisions, the answer is one that all actors agree on, no matter their level (local, national or European-international). When reviewing official documents, press releases or conferences conclusions, they all say the same thing: this country can offer know-how on dealing with transition. Who else can teach others on how to confront with this process better than a country that was already experienced it? Sometimes however, the Romanian actors that assumed this role on the new scene of the development cooperation, when drafting a “recipe of success” that could easily be transposed elsewhere, made this endeavor more like a “masquerade of success-stories”. Based on an two-months field research in 2009, followed by successive visits in 2010, I intend, through my contribution, to highlight a not so noticeable aspect of this process, by deconstructing the mainstream discourses and analyzing the power structure established between various organisms, daring to offer a different perspective about this past but also about the present. My research has lead me to a result not so politically correct, which indicates that the gain the transition has to offer might actually not be where we would want it to. And that is just because the parties involved in the process have lacked the courage to embrace their failures. But on what costs?